History of Etawah, Uttar Pradesh

History of Etawah, Uttar Pradesh

MEDIEVAL HISTORY

The Musalmans
With the fall of Delhi and Kanauj in 1193 A.D. the district passed with in the sphere of the Muslaman's power , which by end of century , held in different degrees of subjection the whole of Hindustan proper except Malwa and some contiguous districts;" and from that date till 1801, if we except the short period of Maratha occupation, it continued uninterruptedly to form a part of the dominions which owed real or nominal allegiance either to the Delhi court or its vassals. To the early period of the thirteenth century is probably to be ascribed the irruption and settling of the Rajputs clans . Sengars spread themselves over the bulk of Bidhuna and Auraiya, wresting the country, as it is said, from half savage Meos. Gaurs occupied parts of Phaphund and Bidhuna near the Kanpur boundary, only to succumb in turn to immigrant Chandels from Mahoba. Parihars established themselves in the wild region of the Pachnada; while Bhadaurias and Dhakras wind the rugged country between the Yamuna and the Chambal. Lately the western portion of the district, with extensive tracts now in Mainpuri , passed into the hands of the Chauhans. Along with these Rajputs immigrants came Brahmans and Kayasthas, and the Hindu inhabitants were distributed over the district in much the same arrangement as obtains at the present day.
The allegiance, however, which some of these hardy tribesmen owed to successive occupants of the Delhi throne was for many years merely nominal. They appear to have been able to hold their own remarkably well and to have bid defiance to the western adventurers with considerable success. Hardly a year seems to have passed by, after the reign of Firoz Shah and the orderly administration be introduced had come to an end, when some expedition had not to be sent against the "accursed in fields of Etawah," in order to extract the payment of revenue. The trouble first began in the reign of Nasir-ud-din Muhammad Shah who ascended the throne in 1389 A.D. After consolidating his position by the defear of Abu Bakr Shah and the old slaves of Firoz Shah near Hardwar in 1390 A.D. this Sultan proceeded monthwards through the Doab to Etawah, where he was met by Vir Singh, the Tomar chief of Gwalior. This chieftain apparently proffered his allegiance to the Sultan, for we read that he was graciously received and sent tack to his kingdom, while the emperor returned along the Jamuna to Delhi.

The conduct of Nar Singh on this occasion may be considered by implication to have been the same as that of all the neighboring Rajput chieftains; for the evidence furnished by subsequent events shows that he was the acknowledged head of the Rajput tribes that had occupied the Etawah and Mainpuri districts towards the end of the 12th century. Only two years after his reception by Muhammad Shah at Etawah or in 1392 A.D. Nar Singh, Sarvadharan and Bir Bahan broke out into revolt. There is some doubt as to the identity of Sarvadharan, but all indications point to the fact that he is the same person as the Rai Sarwar of the historians and the Sumer Sah of tradition, who founded the Chauhan house of Partapner and whose clansmen were the progenitors of the present Chauhan residents of the Mainpuri district. The coalition was a powerful one and seriously alarmed the Delhi sovereign, who sent Islam Khan against Nar Singh, while he took the field in person against Nar Singh allies. Nar Singh was defeated, his forces were put to flight and he himself compelled to sue for peace. He was carried to Delhi and there kept in prison. Meanwhile Sarvadharan attacked the town of Balram; but on the Sultan's approach he fled to Etawah, followed by the imperial forces. On the succeeding night, however, the rebels abandoned the fort of Etawah which fell into the hands of the Sultan and was destroyed. The following year saw another revolt on the part of Sarvadharan and Bir Bahan, aided, on this occasion, by one Jit Singh Rathore and Abhai Chand, muqaddam of Chandu. Mukarrabul Mulk was sent to put down this outbreak and," when the two parties came in sight of such other, he adopted a conciliatory course and by promises and engagement induced the raises to submit. He carried them to Kanauj and there treacherously had them put to death: but Rai Sarvadharan escaped and entered Etawah." In 1394 A.D. Muhammad Shah died, and was succeeded in turn by his second son, Humayun Khan, under the title of Sultan Ala-ud-din Sikandar Shah, who reigned only a little over a mouth, and his youngest son Mahmud Shah. There appears to have been great confusion at this time in the middle and lower Doab, for Khwaja-i-jahan was entrusted with the administration of the whole country from Kanauj to Bihar, under title of Malik-us Sharq, and he inaugurated his rule by leading an imposing force to chastise the rebels of Etawah and Kanuaj. Some sort of order was apparently introduced out of the chaos only to be lost a few years later during Timur's invasion of India. When the invader had departed the confusion was even worse confounded; the district in the upper Doab and in the neighborhood of Delhi came into the possession of Ikbal Khan; Khwaja-i-jahan retained his hold on the country from Kanauj to Bihar; and the rest of the provinces remained in the hands of the various Amirs and Maliks who happened to have been appointed to them .
The Jaunpur Campaign
The country appears to have had little rest, for no sooner had the Delhi forces departed than those of Jaunpur under Mukhtass Khan, brother of Ibrahim Shah Sharqi, entered it, An army was at once dispatched from Delhi to ward off the threatened danger, and the arrival of a strong force under Malik-us-Sharq Mahmud Hasan had the effect of causing Mukhtass Khan to retreat and join his brother. After some future efforts to outwit the Jaunpuri troops and bring them to an action Mahmud Hasan retired to the Sultan's camp, while Ibrahim Sharqi advanced along the Kali nadi to "Burhanabad in the district of Etawah." The indecisive battle which took place between the two armies was fought beyond the confines of this district and does not concern it, but the struggle between their leaders probably "gave the infidels of Etawah" the opportunity to disown their nominal master at Delhi. The Sultan was fully occupied in other directions during the next few years, quelling the revolts of his disaffected subjects or suppressing the rebellions of powerful amirs; and it was not till 1432 A.D. that a force could be sent under Kamal-ul-Mulk to coerce his vassals in Gwalior and Etawah. Disorganization now rapidly began to act in in the Saiyid empire. In 1437 A.D. intelligence was brought that Ibrahim Sharqi had seized upon several parganas, and that the Rai of Gwalior and other Rais, including no doubt those of Etawah, had ceased to pay their revenue. But the Sultan refused to take any measures to secure his possessions. The whole of the Delhi empire was split up into provinces governed by potty rulers, among whom the Lodis predominated; and one Qutb Khan, son of Hasan Khan Afghan, was governor of Rapri, Chandawar and Etawah. Qutb khan, together with Isa Khan, jagirdar of Kol and Jalali, and Rai Partab, who held the feof of Bhongaon, Patiali and Kampil, made some efforts to assist Ala-ud-din, the last of the Saiyid Sultans, to resist the growing power of Bahlol; but these were no avail, and the capture of Delhi in April 1451 by Malik Bahlol inaugurated the new rule of the Lodi dynasty.  
Bahlol Lodi
Bahlol's position, however, was very soon disputed; for, on the invitation of some of Ala-ud-din's nobles, Sultan Mahmud of Jaunpur advanced with a large army in the same year against Delhi and laid siege to it. The expedition was a fruitless one; and, on Mahmud's retreat, Bahlol Lodi set out to confirm his authority over the lower Doab. Isa Khan was confirmed in possession of Kol and Rai Partab in that of Bhongaon; but Qutb Khan determined to resist at Rapri. That fort was accordingly besieged and its commander captured, only, however, to be confirmed in his jagirs by Sultan Bahlol. From Rapri Bahlol advanced to Etawah, the governor of which offered him homage; and while he was encamped there he was once more attacked by the Jaunpur king at the head of a powerful force. After some petty hostilities a hollow trace was patched up between the rival kings through the influence of Qutb khan lodi, Bahlol's cousin, and Rai Partab, to the effect that the whole of the territory which had belonged to Mubarak Shah, the Saiyid king of Delhi, should be left in the hands of Bahlol, and than that which had belonged to Sultan Ibrahim Sharqi should remain in the possession of Mahmud. It is not quite clear how the country was divided on this occasion; but Etawah seems to have fallen to the share of the Jaunpur chief. One important result of the indecisive engagement near Etawah was that Qutb Khan Lodi, Bahlol's cousin, accidentally fell into the hands of Mahmud, who sent him to Jaunpur for confinement. Mahmud shortly afterwards died and was succeeded by Muhammad Shah, between whom and Bahlol the compact relating to the division of territory was renewed. The truce, however, did not remain long unbroken; for urged on by the entreaties of Shams Khatun. Qutb Khan's sister, to effect the release of her brother, Bahlol took the field against Muhammad Shah and advanced as far as Rapri.
Rai Partab now threw in his lot with the Jaunpur chief; but the only result of the desultory fighting that took place was the capture of Jalal Khan, Muhammad Shah's brother, who was kept by Bahlol as a hostage for the safety of Qutb khan. Meanwhile the Bibi Raaji, the Jaunpur Sultan's mother, was actively intriguing against her son at Jaunpur, and she succeeded in 1453 A.D. in placing his younger brother, Hussain Khan, on the throne and in effecting the assasination of Muhammad Shah. Husain Khan was soon firmly established in his dominions and once more a peace was patched up with Bahlol, by which both parties bound themselves to remain satisfied with their own possessions for four years. The truce was accompanied by a restitution of prisoners. Qutb Khan Lodi was made over to Bahlol and Jalal Khan to Sultan Husain; while Rai Partab ands on this occasion Qutb Khan of Rapri also joined bahlol. This truce, however, was no more lasting than any of the former ones, and disturbances soon broke out. Darya khan Lodi, incensed by Bahlol's presentation of the standards and kettledrums wrested from him to Rai Partab's son, Nar Singh Deo, assassinated the latter with the approval of Qutb Khan Lodi. In consequence of this, Rai Partab and the amirs Qutb Khan, Husain Khan and Mubariq Khan formed a conspiracy and went over to the Sharqi monarch. Bahlol, finding himself too weak to resist the confederacy, started off for Multan; and the opportunity being too good to be lost, Sultan Husain of Jaunpur once more advanced on Delhi. Bahlol at once turned back to meet him. Continual fighting took place for seven days below the walls of Delhi; and ultimately another truce was agreed on to the effect that both kings should remain within the boundaries of their respective territories for three years.
In contradistinction to the others, the terms of this agreement were observed, and no hostilities took place for the space of three years. As soon, however, as the period had expired Ahmad Khan, governor of Biana, revolted against Bahlol and invited the aid of the Jaunpur chief. Sultan Husain proceeded with an imposing force of 100,000 horse and 1,000 elephants to Delhi, where peace was again brought about by the intervention of Khan Jahan, only to be broken again a few months later by Sultan Husain. The desultory hostilities that ensued were followed by the inevitable peace. Etawah seems at this time to have been the headquarters of the Jaunpur chief, for we find that the Bibi Raji, the Queen-mother, died here in 1486 A.D. and the fact that the surrounding country acknowledged his supremacy is indicated by Husain's receipt of condolences from the rulers of Gwalior, Biana and Chandarwar. That chieftain now seized Badaun from the Saiyid Sultan Ala-ud-din, and for no particular reason except that Bahlol was far away in Sirhind, he reduced Sambhal and attacked Delhi. Once more a true was concluded and Sultan Husain departed to Jaunpur. The dreary story of the relations between these perfidious monarchs now draws to a close. Sultan Husain, relying on the true, left his baggage behind. Bahlol at once took advantage of the opportunity to plunder it: immense treasure and forty of the noblemen of the Jaunpur kingdom fell into his hands, and the orderly retreat of the Jaunpur Sultan became a disorderly flight. Driven to an extremity he faced about near Rapri, but a battle was averted for the last time by the conclusion of a truce on the old terms.
The following year 1487 A.D. Sultan Husain came back, forgetful of his oath, to attack Bahlol and a desperate contest took place near the village of Sonhar, which ended in the discomfiture of the Jaunpur forces. The Sultan fell back Rapri. He was followed thither by Bahlol, defeated and driven towards Gwalior the Rai of which place helped him to escape towards Kalpi. Bahlol meanwhile pushed on to Etawah, which was held by Ibrahim Khan, the brother of Sultan Husain and Haibat Khan, called barqandac, "the wolf slayer." After a stout resistance lasting three days the fortress was surrendered to bahlolk, who appointed Ibrahim Khan Lehani to hold it, assigning at the same time some parganas of the district a Rai Dadand. Bahlol thence advanced towards Kalpi, where Sultan Husain had collected all his forces. The Jamuna flowed between the two armies, preventing their meeting; but ultimately Bahlol was conducted across over a ford by Rai Tilak Chand, governor of Kalpi, and when the two armies met near Rangaon Husain, being unable to resist, fled to Rewah. The district passed finally into the power of the Lodi sultans. Bahlol Lodi now overran most of the Jaunpur kingdom Barbak Shah was set up at Jaunpur and the Sultan returned to Kalpi and thence overran Dholpur and Gwalior. From Gwalior he proceeded to Etawah. He dismissed Rai Sangat, one of the Sakit Chauhans and son of Rai Dadand from the government of the place; but shortly after, near the village of Malawi in the pargana of Sakit, fell ill and died in 1488 A.D. He was succeeded by his son, Sikandar Lodi; but disturbance at once broke out among the turbulent Rajput tribes. Agra was founded as the headquarters of the imperial army in order to everawe the refractory chieftains of Biana, Dholpur and Gwalior; and the government of Etawah and Chandawar was bestowed on Ala-ud-din, Sikandar's brother otherwise known as Alam Khan, who subsequently invited Babar to India.
Ibrahim Lodi, who succeeded his father in 1517 A.D., lost much of his power and influence in his quarrel with his brother, Jalal Khan. In the course of one of his expeditions he encamped sometime both at Bhongaon and at Etawah, and henceforward the place seems to have had a regular Musalman governor. The whole country was in an extremely disturbed condition, and, for two years before Ibrahim's death in 1526 A.D., most of the local governors appear to have been in a state of more or less open rebellion. When Babar came to India he found Qutb Khan, who has frequently appeared on the scene before governor of Etawah.

Mugal Dynasty
 Babar and Humayun
It was not, however, until Ibrahim Lodi had been defeated that Babar was able to march down the Doab, and attempt to get the mastery of the country. Rapri was abandoned and was occupied by his troops. Etawah and Dholpur were besieged, but pressed by the Rana of Udaipur on the west and the Afghans of Jaunpur and Bengal on the east, Babar was compelled to recall the troops he had sent to invest Etawah and Dholpur, and ordered them to join prince Humayun at Chandawar on the Jamuna. When Rana Sanka had been defeated, Babar found himself at liberty to reconquer the Doab. He passed through the eastern portion of the district on his way to Kanauj in 1528 A.D., and such was the consternation produced that Rapri and Chandawar at once gave in, while Qutb Khan surrendered Etawah. The district remained now in the possession of the Mughals for 12 years, till Humayun's final defeat at Kanauj in 1547 A.D. Either Babar himself or his son appear to have entrusted the feof of Etawah to Husain Sultan, one of the Uzbek Sultan and that of Kalpi to Yadgar Nasir Mirza, Babar's brother. At any rate these persons were in possession of these territories in 1547 A.D. when Qutb Khan, the son of Sher Shah, advanced from Bengal, on his father's behalf, to contest the empire of Delhi. A deceisive action took place near Kalpi in which the Sur forces were totally defeated by the Mughals and Qutb khan himself slain. But their success was shortlived for in the following year Humayun was himself worsted at Kanauj and forced to abandon Hindustan. The district with the rest of the Doab fell into the hands of Sher Shah, in whose possession or in that of his successors it remained till the victory of Panipat once more gave the kingdom to the Mughals.
Akbar
The details that remain of Sher Shah's scheme of administration are ample testimony of his greatness and title to rank is one of the greatest sovereigns of Hindustan : and it is to his arrangements that the pacification of the country is probably in no small to be attributed. He found the inhabitants of the Jamuna and Chambal tracts no less disobedient and refractory than his predecessors had; but a force of 12,000 horse men from the distant sarkar of Sirhind was brought and quartered at Hatkant in the Agra district to overawe the zamindars and cultivators of the neighborhood : "nor did they pass over one person who exhibited any contumacy." The country was opened out by roads; one of these ran from the Punjab to Sunargaon in Bengal and was probably the same road that was maintained in Akbar's time, running past Etawah to Kalpi and following generally the alignment of the present road from Etawah to Auraiya, Sarais were built at frequent intervals, round which villages were set up; and avenues of trees were planted along each route for the travelers. Courts of justice were established at various places and the policing of the districts was provided for by the issue of regulations to the amils and governors to compel the muqaddams of the villages to keep their villages clear of bad characters and thieves, under pain of having to pay substantial fines to the injured in cases of theft or of suffering the extreme penalty of the law themselves in cases of murder.
Under the systematic territorial distribution of the empire carried out by the Akbar the present district was divided between no less than four sarkars in the subah of Agra. The western portion under the name of Etawah, formed a dastur in the sarkar of Agra. It comprised seven tappas namely, the Khas Haveli, Sataura, Indawa, Bakipur, Delhi, Jakhan and Karhal, paying altogether 10,739,365 dams in revenue. Of these the Haveli Jakhan and Sataura together with portions of Indawas and Bakipur,are now included in the tahsil of Etawah; while the rest of Indawa and Bakipur now fall within southern Bharthana, formerly a district pargana under the name of Lakhna. The cultivated area of the mahal is given in the Ain-i-Akbari as 284,100 bighas; its chief inhabitants were Chauhans, Bhadaurias and Brahmans; and it contributed 15,000 infantry and 2,000 horsemen to the imperial army. The north of Bharthana and Bidhuna, and possibly also of the present Etawah tahsil, belonged to the mahal of Sakatpur in the sarkar of Kanauj; it had an area of 22,561 bighas and paid a revenue of 623,441 dams, while it sent the relatively large contingent of 4,000 foot and 300 horse to the army. Similar in size and revenue to Sakatpur was the mahal of Sahar, with an area of 25,195 bighas and a demand of 846,553 dams: it, however, was only called upon the supply 500 foot soldiers and 30 cavalry. Sahar probably comprised the bulk of the old pargana of Bidhuna, and to the south of it lay the mahal of Phaphund, whose local limits probably corresponded roughly with those of the pargana which was broken up only in 1894. Then, as now Phaphund appears to have been occupied for the most part by Sengar, Rajputs and, to judge from the amount of revenue it paid in proportion to its size, must have been a well cultivated and populated tract of country. Its cultivated area is recorded as 111,546 bighas paying a revenue of 5,432,391 dams, its military contingent being 2,000 infantry and 300 cavalry. Somewhat to the west and south of Phaphund lay the small of Patti Nakhat with an area of 49,262 bighas, a revenue of 566,997 dams and furnishing a force of 500 foot and 50 horse. The chief town of Patti nakhat was Qasba Babarpur near Sarai Ajitmal, in the west of Auraiya tahsil; and the rest of that tahsil lying north of the Jamuna was split up between the mahals of Suganpur and Deokali in the sarkar of Kalpi. The latter had an area of 109,652 bighas and paid, 1466,985 dams revenue, its chief occupants being Brahmans who were called upon the provide 2,000 infantry and 200 cavalry. But the area of Suganpur is not given in the Ain-i-Akbari, though it was large enough to pay 1,507,877 dams revenue and to contribute 1,000 foot and 60 horsemen to the army. The only part of the district that did not fall within any of these subdivisions was the trans-Chambal tract subsequently known as Sandaus. This belonged to mahal Parihara in the sarkar of Etawah; the latter covered a large tract of country which is not now in British territory, whose area and revenue it would be useless to recite Bahadur khan-i-Shaibani, younger brother of Khan Zaman, the brother of Ali Qutb Khan and a creature of Maham Anka was one of the governors of Etawah during Akbar's reign.
Jahangir, Shahjahan and Aurangjeb
During the reigns of Jahangir, Shahjahan and Aurangzeb no mention is made of Etawah in the Mohammadan historians. We may presume that the inhabitants were thoroughly subdued and nothing occurred in the district to disturb its peace. During the seventeenth century several bankers of note settled in the town of Etawah which became a large commercial and banking center-another indication that the district remained undisturbed. It is not until the imposing fabric of the Mughal empire began to better to its fall that the city or district again comes into prominence. Several chiefs now arose who carve  out semi-in-dependent states for themselves, one of the best known being Muhammad Khan Ghazanfar Jang, the Bangash Nawab of Farrukhabad. Towards the latter years of his life Muhammad Khan appears to have been governor of Etawah; and in 1741 A.D. he was replaced by Raja Adhiraj Jai Singh Sawai. It is uncertain how long the latter held possession of the district, for it is probable from all the available evidence that the district formed a portion of the territory which belonged to Qaim Khan, the son of Muhammad Khan, and the possession of Qaim Khan was not disturbed till 1748 A.D.
The history of the period is complicated and in order to understand it fully, it is necessary to summarise the course of events at Delhi. On March 11th 1748 Saadat Khan, the famous Wazir of Muhammad Shah and governor of Oadh, was filled at Delhi and was succeeded by his nephew, Safdar Jang. A little more than one month later, or on April 14th 1748 A.D. the emperor Muhammad Shah died and Safdar Jang seized the opportunity to proclaim Ahmad Shah emperor and to obtain for himself at the same time the coveted office of Wazir. His first act was to induce Qaim khan, the Bangash Nawab of Farrukhabad, to attack the Rohillas, Qaim Khan marched with an army against the Rohillas and a disastrous battle was fought at Kadirganj, in the Budaon district, on November 22nd 1748, in which Qaim Khan was defeated, he himself losing his life in the fight. As a result of this the Rohillas occupied a large portion of Qaim Khan's territory lying north of the Ganges.
Safdar Jang, whose only object in setting the Afghans of Farrukhabad and the Rohillas to fight was to rid his master's empire of at least one of its most formidable rivals, on receiving news of the defeat, persuaded the emperor that the opportunity was a favorable one for humbling the Bangash Pathans once and for all time. The young emperor, who was entirely subservient to the Wazir, agreed to all his plans; he collected his forces and hikself advanced to Koil, while Safdar janfg marched to within 35 miles of Farrukhabad. At this time Safdar Jang had in his service, as bakhshi or diwan, a Kayasth named Nawal Rai, who is intimately connected with Etawah; for he was a Saksena Kayasth of the Chakwa and Parasna family, who were hereditary qanungos of pargana Etawah. Nawal Rai had been brought into notice by Ratan Chand Bania, diwan of Abdulla Khan and Husain Ali, about 1720, and had risen by his own merits to be deputy governor of the subahs of Oadh and Allahabad.
The Wazir now ordered Nawal Rai to march from Lucknow to meet him without delay; and on December 15th, 1749 Nawal Rai crossed the Ganges with a strong force. His advance was opposed by the Afghans of Farrukhabad; but a battle was averted by the submission of the Bibi Sahiba, Qaim Khan's mother, who agreed to pay a large sum of money. Nawal Rai on behalf of Safdar Jang occupied the Bangash territory and took up his quarters with a strong force at Kanauj. Soon, however, the oppressions of Nawal Rai's subordinates proceeded beyond all bounds and the Afghans began to concert measures of resistance. They went to Ahmad Khan, Qaim Khan's brother, who was living in retirement at Farrukhabad, choice him as their leader and broke into open revolt, Nawal Rai, on hearing of the revolt, advanced to Khudaganj, 17 miles south-east from Farrukhabad, with an immense force, at the same time requesting reinforcements from Delhi. At Khudaganj he was attacked by Ahmad Khan and his Pathans on August 1st 1750, utterly defeated and killed. The Nawab Wazir who was meanwhile advancing to his help, heard of his defeat at Mathura. The Wazir's rage know no bounds; he himself advanced, and sent orders to his son, Jalal-ud-din Haider (afterwards known as Shuja-ud-daula) who was governor of the fort at Allahabad, to put to death the five chelas or pupils of Muhammad Khan Bangash who had been surrendered to him as hostages by the Bibi Sahiba in 1748. The order was accordingly carried out; while the Wazir, after halting a month of Marahra, advanced eastwards and entrenched himself at Ram Chhatauni two miles west of Patiali on the Ganges. Here on the 13th September 1750 he was attacked and defeated by Ahmad Khan, the Wazir himself being wounded in the fight. As a result of this battle Safdar Jang was thoroughly disgraced and intrigues were set on foot at Delhi to deprive him of his estates; while Ahmad Khan mainly through the good offices of Ghazi-ud-din Firoz Jang received a khilat from the emperor and a decree restoring to him all the territory of which his family had been deprived in 1748, Ahmad Khan, emboldened by his success, now proceeded to Allahabad and invested the fort at that place, and the disgraced Wazir set about finding means of recovering his shattered fortunes.
At this time a large Maratha army under Mulhar Rao and Apa Sindhia was in the neighbourhood of Kotah, 260 miles south of Delhi, and Safdar Jang entered into negotiations with its leaders. It was necessary, however, first to be restored to the emperor's favour. This was accomplished through the good offices of Nazir Jawaid Khan, and after much intrigue the Maratha force was taken into the imperial service at a large pay and put at Safdar Jang's disposal to be employed against the Afghans of Farrukhabad. The forces of Suraj Mal, the Jat prince of Bharatpur, were also added to Safdar Jang's army, and the imposing host advanced across the Jamuna. The first action was fought against Shahdil Khan, the amil of Nawab Ahmad Khan at Koil at the end of March 1751. Shahdil Khan was forced to retreat and as soon as the news reached Ahmad Khan at Allahabad, he threw up the siege of that fortress and retired to Farrukhabad. It would be foreign to the history of the Etawah district to details the events that took place at Farrukhabad. Suffice it to say that, after a considerable amount of indecisive fightings, a peace was ultimately made between Safdar Jang and Ahmad Khan early in the year 1752. By this peace the enormous debt owed by Safdar Jang to the Maharathas, was transferred to the shoulders of Ahmad Khan. As securing for the payment of the amount it was agreed that the Marathas should obtain 16 out of the 33 mahals then forming the territory of the Nawab, of Farrukhabad. In this way a large portion, if not the whole, of the Etawah district came into the hands of the Marathas. The fort at Etawah seems to have been occupied by the Maratha governor, and probably other positions also; but the whole territory appears to have been subordinate to Govind Rao Pandit, Subabdar of Jalaun. Thus it remained till 1761 A.D.
MODERN HISTORY
Etawah under the Rohillas and Oudh Government
Under the Rohillas
In 1760 A.D. Ahmad Shah Durrani invaded India; he was opposed in 1761 by the Marathas on the field of Panipat and inflicted on them a signal defeat. Among other Maratha chieftains Govind Rao Pandit lost his life in the action. Before his departure from India the Durrani chief consigned large tracts of country to the Rohilla chieftains, and while Dhunde Khan received Shikohabad, Inayat Khan, son of Hafiz Rahmat Khan received the district of Etawah. This was then in the possession of the Marathas, and accordingly in 1762 a Rohilla force was sent under Mullah Mohsin Khan to wrest the assigned property from the Marathas. This force was opposed near the town of Etawah by Kishan Rao and Bala Rao Pandits, who were defeated and compelled to seek safety in flight across the Yamuna. Siege was then laid to the fort of Etawah by Mohsin Khan; but the fort was soon surrendered by its commander, and the district fell into the hands of the Rohillas.

The occupation, however, was merely nominal at first; the zamindars refused to pay revenue to Inayat Khan and, secure in their mud forts set his authority at defiance. Strong reinforcements were sent to the Rohillas, including some artillery, under Sheikh Kuber and Mullah Baz Khan, and many of the smaller forts were levelled to the grounds; but in their ravine fortresses the zamindars of Kamait in the trans-Yamuna tract still resisted the authority of Inayat Khan. Hafiz Rahmat and Inayat Khan then came in person to Etawah and operations were vigorously pressed against the refractory zamindars. Ultimately an annual tribute was agreed to by the latter. Hafiz Rahmat then departed to Bareilly, and Rohilla garrisons were established at convenient places in the district. Meanwhile a new minister arose at Delhi called Najib Khan, better known as Najib-ud-daula, Amir-ul-umra, Shuja-ud-daula succeeded Safdar Jang as Nawab Wazir and occupied most of the Bangash possessions as far as Aligarh, with the exception of those granted by the Durrani to the Rohillas after he battle of Pandit. But the wazir's hostility to the Farrukhabad Afghans had not abated one jot, and in 1762 he persuaded Najib-ud-daula to join him in an attack on Farrukhabad. The attack was beaten off by the aid of Hafiz Rahmat Khan and matters once more settled down peacefully.

In 1766 the Marathas under Mulhar Rao, who had been awaiting their opportunity, once more crossed the Jamuna and attacked Phaphund , where a Rohilla force under Muhammad Hasan Khan eldest son of Mohsin Khan, was posted. On receipt of this news Hafiz Rahmat advanced from Bareilly to oppose the Marathas. He was joined near Phaphund by Sheikh Kuber, the Rohilla governor of Etawah, and prepared to give battle; but Mulhar Rao refused to risk an engagement and once more retired across the Jamuna. The ambitions Najib-ud-daula had been considerably irritated by the intervention of the Rohillas on behalf of Ahmad Khan Bangladesh in 1762; and though he had been too busily engaged otherwise to pursue his plans of revenge before, he began in 1770 to plot the downfall of Hafiz Rahmat Khan.

Accordingly a Maratha army was invited to Delhi for the purpose of first wresting Farrukhabad from Ahmad Khan and of afterwards invading Rohikhand. The united forces of Najib-ud-daula and the Marathas advanced from Delhi; but at Koil Najib-ud-daula fell ill and retraced his steps, leaving his eldest son, Zabita Khan to operate with the Marathas. Zabita Khan however, was by no means disposed to fight against his brother Afghans. The Marathas, knowing this, kept him practically a prisoner in their camp and he requested Hafiz Rahmat Khan to obtain his release. Hafiz Rahmat Khan accordingly opened negotiations with the Marathas for the release of Zabita Khan; but the Maratha leaders demanded as their price the surrender of the jagirs of Etawah and Shikohabad. Hafiz Rahmat Khan was not disposed to agree to those terms, and while negotiations were proceeding for buying off the Marathas Zabita Khan escaped. Several desultory engagements now took place between the Marathas and the Afghan forces. Inayat khan was summoned by his father to Farrukhabad in order that he might be consulted regarding the surrendering of his jagirs. But although Dhunde Khan agreed to give up Shikohabad Inayat Khan refused to surrender Etawah.

Ultimately, disgusted with his father's arrangements he returned to Bareilly, and his father on his own responsibility sent orders to Sheikh Kuber, the Rohilla governor of Etawah, to surrender the fort to the Marathas. The Marathas now marched to Etawah, but as the orders had not yet reached him Sheikh Kuber gave them battle. Several desperate assaults were made on the fort of Etawah which were all beaten off, but finally it was handed over to the Marathas in accordance with hafiz Rahmat Khan's orders, and the Rohillas quitted the district, leaving it once more in the hands of the Marathas. Later in the same year, 1771 A.D., the Marathas advanced to Delhi and reinstated the emperor Shah Alam, who had cast in his lot with them, on the throne. They were now masters of the empire and Zabita Khan determined to oppose them. Assembling his forces, he attacked the Marathas near Delhi but was signally defeated, and in 1772 the Marathas overran a large portion of Rohilkhand and captured Najafgarh, where Zabita Khan's family resided and his treasure lay.

Under the Government of Oudh
Zabita Khan then solicited the aid of Shuja-ud-daula, Nawab Wazir of Oudh; but the Nawab declined to interfere unless Hafiz Rahmat Khan applied on his behalf. Negotiations were commenced with Shah Alam and the Marathas for the restoration of Zabita Khan's family and the evacuation of Rohilkhand. The Marathas agreed to accept 40 lakhs of rupees, provided that Shuja-ud-daula made himself responsible for the payment; but Shuja-ud-daula now declined to enter into any such engagement unless Hafiz Rahmat Khan gave him a bond for the money. To this Hafiz Rahmat Khan consented, the bond was signed and the Marathas retired from Rohilkhand. In 1773 A.D. the Marathas proposed to attack Shuja-ud-daula and attempted to gain the help of Hifaz Rahmat Khan. The latter refused to him them. Instead he sent information to Shuja-ud-daula concerning what he had done, and on the strength of this requested restoration of his bond. Shuja-ud-daula expressed his approval of Hafiz Rahmat Khan's conduct and promised the restitution of the bond when the Marathas as had been defeated. The Marathas were defeated soon after at Asadpur by the combined forces of Shuja-ud-daula and Hafiz Rahmat Khan, with the result that they quitted not only Rohilkhand but Delhi also.

Shuja-ud-daula then returned to Oudh, but denied ever having promised to restore the bond. He next seduced many of the Afghan Rohillas from their allegiance to Hafiz Rahmat Khan, and then proceeded to eject the Maratha garrisons from Etawah and Shikohabad in spite of Rahmat Khan's remonstrance. He ever went further and called on Hafiz Rahmat Khan to discharge the balance of 35 lakhs due on the bond. This was only a pretext for provoking hostilities for which purpose the Nawab had already begun to assemble an army; and Hafiz Rahmat Khan having failed to pay up, the Nawab advanced to the Ganges. The last scene in the tangled history of the period closed with the defeat of Hafiz Rahmat Khan by Shuja-ud-daula who was aided by a British force, at the battle of Miranpur Katra in the Shahjahanpur district on April 23rd 1774 A.D. Etawah under the Oudh Government.

From 1774 to 1801 the district of Etawah remained under the government of Oudh. Little occurred to disturb it during this period and little is known regarding its history. For many years the administration of the district was in the hands of Mian Almas Ali Khan. Ails were stationed, we know, at Etawah, Kudarkot and Phaphunnd. One of those who held office at the last named placed was Raja Bhagmal or Baramal. The latter was by Caste a Jat and was sister's son to Almas Ali Khan, who was by birth a Hindu but was subsequently made a eunuch and converted to Islam. Raja Bhagmal built the fort at Phaphund and the old mosque which still bears an inscription recording thenamed of donor. Almas Ali Khan was, recording to Colonie Sleeman,"the greatest and best man" Oudh ever produced; be amassed great wealth, but having no descendant, he spent his money for the benefit of the people committed to his charge. He held court occasionally at Kudarkot where he built a fort, of which the massive ruins still remain. At Etawah the amils are said to have resided in the fort; but the building was destroyed by Shuja-ud-daula in consequence of the representations of the Etawah townspeople that, so long as the amils occupied such an impregnable residence, they would never do anything but oppress the people.
The cession On November 10th, 1801, the district was made over to the British Government by the Nawab Saadat Ali Khan together with the rest of the lower Doab and other tracts. This action was taken in return for a guarantee of protection, and by way of payment for the maintenance of the Oadh local forces which were ultimately stationed at Kanpur. The cession did not altogether pass off without difficulty, as the district was full of refractory taluqdars from whom revenue was only extracted with great trouble. No military operations, however, had to be undertaken, and Lord Lake's army does not seem to have passed through the district on its way in 1803 to fight the Marathas. Still for some years Etawah was threatened with Maratha inroads, while scenes occurred with the zamindars in the earlier years of the British administration which recall the experiences of the imperial officers in the 16th century, and it was not till the zamindars of Saudaus, Sahson and Kamait had been finally settled with in 1816 A.D. that the history of the district may be said to have become one of the peaceful progress and reform, which was afterwards broken only by the interruption caused by the Mutiny of 1857.

Revolt of 1857
The Mutiny
Elsewhere, perhaps, the shadow of the coming calamity may have proceeded it and diffused a vague sense of insecurity and alarm; but in Etawah there was nothing but hopefulness and peace. "Never apparently had the prospects of the district been so cheering; crime was, and had been for the previous two years, steadily decreasing; the revenue flowed in without the necessity of recourse to a single coercive process; public libraries and numerous schools gave rich promise of future progress; new lines of communication were being rapidly opened out; the railroad was fast ripening; the great canal with its daily multiplying branches, steadily diffused fertility through an over-widening area, and all classes of the community, though not of course without their minor grievances, were on the whole singularly happy and contented. Suddenly the Mutiny burst upon us, effacing apparently in a day the labor of years." So writes Mr. Hume, then collector of the district; for on the 12th of May 1857, two days after the outbreak at Meerut, the news of the Mutiny at that place reached Etawah through Agra. There was at that time a detachment of the 8th Irregulars and a wing of the 9th Native Infantry cantoned at Etawah; and these were at once employed with the police in patrolling the roads, every possible precaution being adopted to ensure the apprehension of fugitive mutineers.
Three days passed quietly away, but about midnight on the 16th of May one of the patrolling parties arrested seven mutineers of the 3rd Cavalry. These resisted disarmament desperately, but four of them were killed on the spot and two were captured, the remaining one succeeding in effecting his escape. In the fight which took place Lieutenant Corfield of the 9th Native Infantry was wounded in the right shoulder. This band of mutineers consisted wholly of Pathan troopers from Garhakota who had been engaged in the mutiny at Meerut and were then making their way home. Early on the morning of the 19th May to large cart fall of armed mutineers belonging to the same regiment of cavalry entered Jaswantnagar and were stopped by the police. Their aims were demanded and one man proceeded to give them up; but while all eyes were turned upon him and every one was off his guard by their apparent submission the other troopers sprang up from the cart and poured in a volley on the bystanders, killing one and wounding three men. The mutineers then made off and occupied a Hindu temple close by.
Intelligence of this occurrence was at once conveyed to Etawah; and Mr. Hume and Mr. Clarmont Daniell, the joint magistrate, with some five troopers, proceeded to Jaswantnagar, where they found the mutineers in a very strong position. "The only way they could be got at, "writes Mr. Hume, "was through a narrow doorway leading to some steps which were completely commanded from within. The whole building, which stands on an elevated platform of pakka masonry, as well as the walls of the platform itself, are full of loop-holes, and the wall for many yards on each side of the doorway contained arches filled up with a brick-work screen made by leaving out every other brick. It is not possible to get in except through this door, and to get at this door we were exposed for thirty yards, come which way we should, to a point-blank fire from men we could not see. Inside the door there were steps, also surrounded by a trellis-work through which shots could be fired....Mr. Daniell and myself first got inside the grove and explored the whole of the back of the building the mutineers firing steadily at us all the while and we returning the fire from our double-barrels whenever we could see any portion of a man. We could not get the police well within fire, and though we went more than once within five yards of the building, the firing was so heavy that no one would make a rush." This went on till 3 o'clock, when Mr. Hume retired to a bungalow for food. At 5.30 p.m. he was again upon the ground; but during the interval the townspeople, who had shown unequivocal signs of sympathy with the mutineers, had succeeded, not withstanding the line of patrols and guards established all round the grove, in supplying them with food and ammunition." Meanwhile Mr. Hume had sent to Etawah for reinforcements and had received a note to say that six of the irregulars and ten sepoys would be sent. The former galloped on and reached Jaswantnagar about 5 p.m., but the latter did not make their appearance at all, having gone some two miles down the wrong road which leads to Kachchaura Ghat.
As time was now passing and the people of the town were very excited, and as it seemed very doubtful if it would be possible to retreat even if he wished it, unless he carried the place at once, Mr. Hume determined to attempt to storm the temple. The irregulars dismounted and agreed that Mr. Hume and a few of the sowars should suddenly run to and occupy the platform of a masonry well distant about 15 or 20 feet from the doorway of the building and exactly in front of it; that they should pour in a volley, and that Mr. Daniel, with the dafadar of sowars and anyone else who would go, should run swiftly along the face of the temple and brick-work screen and dash in Mr. Hume and his party following. The movement might have proved successful if it had been supported; but as it was the firing was so heavy that Mr. Hume, Mr. Daniel, the dafadar and one chaukidar were all that reached the doorway. The dafadar immediately fell-back the chaukidar was knocked over and while Mr. Daniel was poking about his revolver trying to shoot some one through the brick-work screen he was thrown down with as pistol wound in the face. Every one then at once fled; Mr. Daniel scrambled away a few yards and fell senseless, and Mr. Hume seeing that it was hopeless to try and rally the men, carried Mr. Daniel with the help of a barber out of range of the enemy's fire. A large mob of townspeople had collected and had been watching the proceedings and when they saw what had happened they at once became hostile and threatening. Mr. Hume ordered them to disperse to their homes, and some skulked off. The sowars were ordered to remount and to commence patrolling the grove, while Mr. Hume, having washed and dressed Mr. Daniel's wound, returned with that officer to Etawah. Immediately on reaching Etawah Mr. Hume sent out Muhammad Ikram Husain, a deputy collector, with instructions to maintain a vigilant guard over the temple till arrangements could bed made to take the place, but in the event of the Muhammadan population of the town making any unequivocal demonstration of being about to release the mutineers by force, rather than allow so formidable a body to commit themselves irretrievably against the Government, to afford the besieged an opportunity of escaping out of the temple, by relaxing the strictness of the watch. In this even, however, Muhammad Kiram Husain was directed to follow and attack them in the open as soon as they had got some distance out of Jaswantnagar. The plan, however, fell through. A violent storm came on during the night and the mutineers effected their escape under its cover, carrying off with them a comrade who had been wounded in addition to one who had been killed.
On the night of May 24th the fugitives were joined by the First or Grenadier Regiment of the Gwalior Contingent under the command of Major Hennessy, and on the following day Etawah was re-occupied. Energetic were at once adopted for the restoration of order; numbers of persons were arrested with property in their possession stolen from the lines and bungalows; much more was given up by persons who professed to have forcibly regained it from robbers or to have originally taken it under their protection; Rs. 40,000 of the plundered treasure were recovered; several gangs of dacoits were broken up or dispersed; and on May 27th martial law was proclaimed. Kunwar Lachhman Singh, deputy collector of Banda, who happened to be on leave at the time, now joined Mr. Hume, and in a few days the most perfect order was restored. one village fort, at Samthar, where the old zamindars who had ousted the new proprietor obstinately refused to surrender, though offered pardon, and fired upon the emissaries of peace, was carried by storm and burnt to the ground, the garrison being put to the sword. Very soon the whole country around was up in arms; the Kanpur, Farrukhabad, Mainpuri and Agra districts, where these bordered on Etawah, gradually fell into a state of anarchy, but within Etawah itself there was peace. The village zamindars at first altogether taken by surprise were beginning to come forward in support of the Government, and the Indian officials recovered their nerve. In order to relieve the anxiety which could not but to felt regarding the troops on the spot it was resolved to send the ladies and children to Agra; and these were safety escorted thither by a mixed detachment of the Gwalior regiment and of the local levies raised by Kunwar Zohar Singh of Partabner. Debi Pershad, Tahsildar of Bela, beat of a body of 300 horse who had come to attack his tahsil; but disturbances were rife in Phaphund and Auaraiya and demand for aid came from the Europeans in Orai. With a view to protecting the district and opening up the lines a communication Mr. Hume dispatched 200 Grenadiers towards Auraiya and sent all the best of his police officers with some trusty zamindars to take possession of the neighboring pargana of Sikandra, Rasulabad and Dera-Mangalpur in Kanpur. This brought the Etawah force within some twenty miles of Kanpur itself, and at the nearest point along the canal the tahsildar of Bela was directed to collect supplies, which it was hoped might be thrown into the entrenchment at Kanpur for the relief of General Wheeler's force. Rajput levies were also raised and people began almost to hope that the storm would blow over, when the mutiny of the Gwalior regiment took place and dashed their hopes to the ground. Mutiny of the Gwalior regiment and flight of the Europeans to Agra.
On the 16th of June news arrived of the mutiny and massacre at Gwalior. This was communicated by the senior native officer to Major Hennessy. The latter explained his intended course of action, that he would at once set off for Agra; but the former refused to obey and declared that he would not proceed to Agra. Major Hennessy and the other officers slept the same night as usual in front of the piequets, closely guarded by their men; and they heard several conversations during the night which unmistakably showed them that a considerable portion of the men were ready for treason and murder. Early in the morning of the 17th June, accordingly, the Europeans assembled at Mr. Hume's house, and after some consultation it was resolved to retire upon Agra. At this time Kunwar Lachhman Singh with the Partabner Raja and his men, as well as the pick of the local horse and police, were at Agra with the ladies and children; while Rao Jaswant Rao, Kunwar Chhatar Singh and the remainder of the police that could be trusted were in the Kanpur district. There was therefore no force in the district upon whom the Europeans could rely; and knowing as they did that, although the majority of the troops were averse to open violence, they would not resist any attempt on the part of the more ill-disposed, their resolution was a wise one. At down on the morning of the 17th all the Europeans made for, Kachhaura ghat on the road to Agra. Arrived there they found it impossible to halt, as the Jhansi mutineers were within a day or two's march of the district. They accordingly pushed on to Bah, where they were joined by a party of fugitives from Kalpi and Orai, including two ladies. At bah maters were, if possible, horse bodies of matchlockmen were parading the country, and, two or three nights before the arrival of the fugitives Bah itself and been compoletely plundered; while, even while they rested there, firing was incessant and some houses adjoining the building where they stayed were burned before their eyes. They were therefore compelled to proceed with the utmost dispatch to Agra which they reached in safety.
As soon as the Europeans had left Etawah the Grenadiers plundered the property of the residents which had been recovered and the little money that remained in the treasury. They next attacked and began to plunder the new city, of which they burned a few shops; but the townspeople turned out, killed twenty-six wounded several, and finally obliged the whole regiment to move across the river. As soon as Mr. Hume arrived at Agra he dispatched Kunwar Zohar Singh of Partabner to Etawah with instructions to protect the city, to make the best arrangements he could fur the neighborhood and to communicate regularly with Agra. In the district there was no disturbance; the people appeared to be well-affected and the tahsil and thana officials maintained their positions. But it was not long before trouble began. On June 21st the rebel brigade from Jhansi crossed the Jamuna at Shergarh ghat, and on the following day forcibly plundered the records, but he was himself carried away by the mutineers and when he returned shortly after, having been released, he died from the effects of the ill-treatment he had received. The rebels next proceeded to Lakhna; but the tahsildar, Ishri Pershad, removed his treasure and records to Rao Jaswant Rao's fort at Dalipnagar and so served them. From Lakhna the brigade came to Etawah, where on their arrival the Mewatis again broke out and burned the remainder of the bungalows in the station. The mutineers then passed out of the district to Mainpuri; and although, for a short time, the bad characters, reinforced by the prisoners escaped from the jails, prowled about in formidable bands, the district once more became tranquil. This shows as Mr. Hume says, that "there was latent disloyalty in the people; three times had bands of mutineers disturbed the peace of the district and let loose the lawless ruffians who, even in the most peaceful times, have ever infested its innumerable ravines; each time, the mutineers being once beyond the border the people rallied round the Government officers, all of whom they had protected to the utmost during the disturbances, and relapsed in a few days into quiet."

Events during  July and August 1857.
In fact all seemed so quite at Etawah that Mr. Hume was thinking of returning to the district when his plans were disconcerted by the arrival of the Nimach Brigado at Agra, the actions which took place there and his own subsequent prostration with cholera. During July three more separate bodies of mutineers for the fourth time disturbed the peace of the district. One, on the 26th of July, attacked Phaphund and plundered the tahsil, the records, however, being saved. A second, passing through the already p0lundered tahsil of Auraiya, advanced to pillage Lakhna; but both treasure and records were again saved by Jaswant Rao, and baffled and disappointed, the rebels made off to Mainpuri. A third body made a dash at Bela, which they took; but the tahsildar had previously managed to remove the treasure and records to Chhatar Singh's fort at Sahar. During all this time, except when he was actually ill with cholera, Mr. Hume kept up a continuous correspondence with the Indian officials and the well-disposed zamindars, communicating news and orders, deciding all difficult points referred to him, and endeavoring by proclamations and letters to keep alive every feeling of loyalty to the State. Early in August, owing to dissensions among the taluqdars regarding their respective jurisdictions, Mr. Hume drew up, with the sanction of the Government, a detailed scheme assigning portions of the district with certain monthly stipends to each of the most respectable and competent taluqdars and tahsildars. Under this scheme Phaphund and Bela were entrusted to the tahsildar, Lala Devi Pershad, assisted by Chhatar Singh of Sahar and Laik Singh of Harchandpur. Bharthana remained under the control of the tahsildar, Lala Ishri pershad, and Rao Jaswant Rao of Dalipanagar, Etawah tahsil was handed over to Kunwar Zohar Singh Sham Bihari Lal of the police being placed in charge of the city in subordination to him; while Auraiya was managed by the tahsildar Ram Baksh. The Chakarnagar and Barhpura ilaqas were committed to the charge of Raja Khushal Singh and Rao Jawahir Singh, the former of whom subsequently turned rebel

Outbreak of the Raja Ruru
The want of success of the British troops before Delhi and thecontinued absence of Mr. Hume from the district, however, at length began to show their fruits. Rana Mahendra Singh of Sakrauli, with Narayan Singh of Chakarnagar, attempted to eject Kunwar Zohar Singh and his officers from Etawah, the Raja of Ruru in Bela, with his kinsmen, and Kamal Singh and Indarjit, collected revenue, molested the Government servants and took forcible possession of several villages and plundered two or three. Rup Singh the uncle of the minor Raja of Bhareh, did the same in Auraiya; but the remainder of the taluqdars and the mass of the people remained quiet and faithful, while some of them exerted themselves to send camels, horsemen and supplies of different kinds to Kanpur. Even those who were rebelliously inclined were kept within bouns by letters from Mr. Hume and by the advance of Grant's column to Mainpuri till the end of October. When, however, the latter passed on without visiting Etawah and it began to be rumoured that the British were with difficulty holding Lucknow and Kanpur, the disaffected began openly to make preparations for attack and dacoits began to collect in every direction. Just at this time the Gwalior rebels appeared on the south-eastern frontier, Raja Bhan of Silandra commenced a bridge at Kalpi, where an advanced guard of them had arrived, and began to threaten Auraiya, and Rup Singh of Bhareh did the same at Shergarh. Urgently pressed for assistance by the officers of the threatened pargana, Rao Jaswant Rao and Ishri Pershad marched down, broke up the bridge-of-boats at Shergarh, and although at first surrounded by Rup Singh who had been joined by Niranjan Singh of Chakarnagar and the noted dacoits, Ram Pershad and Pitam Singh, succeeded on the 1st of November in defeating the rebels and killing seventeen men, among them Ram Pershad the real leader in the field. A vernacular proclamation, moreover, issued by Mr. Hume in Etawah produced a good effect, strengthening the hands of the loyal and well disposed; and once more, although the rebel leaders still maintained a menacing attitude, the district was at peace. On December 1st, however, the nazim of the rebel Nawab of Farrukhabad, invited by the Ruru Raja and the Rana of Sakrauli, invaded the district with a force of 5,000 men and 12 guns. He reached Etawah on December 3rd, and on the same day attacked Kunwar Zohar Singh, who had only two guns badly served and worse equipped. Zohar Singh's force was beaten his guns were captured his gunners killed, and he was himself compelled to retreat to Partabner. Again the Mewatis commenced to plunder everything they could lay their hands on, and anarchy once more took the place of order. In Bela the tahsildar found himself unable to move out of Chhatar Singh's fort at Sahar, and the officials of Phaphund were obliged to take refuge in Laik Singh's fort at Harchandpur. Rup Singh took possession of pargana Auraiya, but Jaswant Rao and Ishri Pershad held their own at Bharthana; and, though the Farrukhabad nazim sent his agents every here, these succeeded in collecting no revenue. The triumph of the rebels was cut-short by the arrival of Brigadier Walpole's column on the 25th of December. The British force advanced through Auraiya and everywhere the rebels melted away before them. In Etawah Zohar Singh surrounded one Taj Khan and some of the leading mewatis in the tahsil and kept them there until December 28th, when Brigadier Walpole's force arrived. After three men of the Rifles had been wounded in an ineffectual attempt to storm the building the place was mined and blown up with the gratifying result that some of the most turbulent characters in the district were finally disposed of.
Mr. Hume returned to the district. During all this time Mr. Hume had been most anxious to resume his duties at Etawah, but the Government declined to allow him to do so until it could support him with a proper force. On December 330th Brigadier Walpole was directed to leave two guns and 200 European soldiers at Etawah, and Mr. Hume was authorized to proceed thither with Mr. G.B.Maconochie under an escort of 50 men of the 2nd Punjab Infantry, commanded by lieutenant Sharriff. En route it was learnt that no detachment had been left behind by Brigadier Walpole, but nothing daunted, Mr. Hume and his escort pushed on and reoccupied the station of January 6th, 1858. With the exception of Auraiya, of which Rup Singh had again taken possession, the district was tranquil. Mr. Hume at once raised a local levy comprising 200 foot, 150 horse, five guns and 50 gunners. Nor did Rup Singh and his rebels remain quiet. Twice they boldly marched forward to attack Mr. Hume; but, although they came within 15 miles and 13 miles of his force, they on each occasion hurriedly fell back owing to the determined attitude adopted by Mr. Hume and the rumour of an advance from Kanpur in the direction of Kalpi. Towards the end of January Mr. Hume's force was strengthened by a detachment of Alexander's Horse and it was resolved to take the offensive. A post was thrown out as far as Bakewar, and on February 7th Captain Alexander and Messrs. Hume and Maconochie, with detachments of horse, the local levies and a number of matchlock men supplied by the loyal zamindars, proceeded to the village of Anantram.
They found the enemy very strongly posted about a mile beyond the village. Their right, resting on the Kanpur road held a large mango grove with a wall six feet high all round and a small ditch in front; on their left was the village of Phulpur, and every field between these two positions was occupied by them. The right was the chief position and was the most formidable to attack, the enclosure swarming with rebels, who had one gun. As the effect of a retreat without doing anything would have been disastrous, it was resolved to attack the place. The cavalry was formed into three troops and posted in different places; and Mr. Hume, having with difficulty collects some two or three hundred of the matchlock men, gallantly advanced with them and a gun towards the enclosure. Taking advantage of a number of small ridges intervening between his force and the point chosen for attack he reached within twenty yards of the enclosure, the gun firing the while in answer to that of the enemy, when some three or four hundred rebels broke out to the rear. These were cut up by Alexander's Horse, though not without some casualties, for even single fugitives, almost without exception, turned and fought. Next, a final discharge having been made from the gun, the matchlock men rushed forward into the enclosure flinging aside their matchlocks and taking to their swords. A hand-to-hand fight now ensued within the enclosure and ended in the complete discomfiture of the enemy. who lost their gun and their baggage, as well as 150 men killed. On Mr. Hume's side twelve matchlock men were killed and a few of them and of the cavalry were wounded. While this action was taking place lalpuri Gosain, the purohit of the nana of Bithur, was lying with some regular mutineers only six miles away; but fortunately neither party knew at the time of the other's presence.
Inroad of Firoz Shah
Yet once more was the district destined to be disturbed by the inroads of a powerful rebel from outside. On December 7th, 1858, Firoz Shah and other rebel leaders with large number of  men, having been driven out of Rohilkhand and Oudh crossed the Ganges, cut the telegraph wire on the grand trunk road and spread the report that they were about to proceed north-westwards. Instead of this they took the road to Etawah, burning, plundering and staying indiscriminately. On the same day Mr. Hume, who had rejoined from leave, marched with a force of 120 local infantry, 12 local cavalry, 66 gunners and 4 guns under Lieutenant Forbes to meet them at Phaphund. On arriving there Mr. Hume received news that Bela and Sahar had been attacked and that the former place had been taken and plundered after several of the police had been wounded. A little later a letter came from Lala Laik Singh of Harchandpur that his place was invested. Reinforcements of 148 horse and 71 foot of the local levies having been received, it was resolved to relieve at once both the loyal landlord of Harchandpur and the officials at Sahar. Early on the morning of the 8th December the force marched from Phaphund and had only advanced some four miles when, after crossing the canal at Kandhon, an outlying piequet of the enemy was met and driven in with the loss of the one man. As the force moved forward to Harchandpur the main body of the enemy soon came in sight, and dispositions were made for the attack. The guns were covered on the left by Mr. Doyle with the Etawah cavalry, on the right by two companies of infantry, beyond these was a company thrown out as skirmishers amongst the high bajra crops, and beyond these again a troop of police cavalry. The enemy were at first surprised but rapidly concentrated their forces, sending off the women and baggage to the Hamra bridge over the canal under a guard. They then advanced to the attack with some 1,400 regular cavalry, their regular infantry and some riflemen mounted on ponies. The local force changed front to face them, the cavalry being seek to the right and the police troops to the left around a village which lay between the combatants.
Fight at Harchandpur
The fight commenced by the guns of the local force opening fire on the advancing enemy, who then wheeled and changing front, came down on the right flank. The Etawah levies at once shifted round so as to face them and then advanced. As the combatants drew closer, however, it became clear that the enemy were quite outflanking the local force, and Lieutenant Forbes gave the order to charge, himself going off to Mr. Doyle and the cavalry on the right, while the police troop charged on the left. Mr. Doyl's charge is described as magnificent.. After killing two men, however, with his own hand, he was dismounted and cut to pieces. On this about sixty men fled in every direction; a small portion galloped back to the guns for protection, throwing the infantry into confusion, and about forty stayed by Mr. Doyle's body and, after a severe hand-to-hand conflict, in which six men were killed and the same number wounded, fell back in good order. At the same time the troops on the left under Risaldar Muammad Asad-ullah Khan charged gallantly and, though nineteen fled, also fell back in good order after a severe fight. Three bodies of the enemy had thus been kept in check by the infantry in the center and the cavalry on either flank; but two other bodies on the extreme right and left managed to make their way round unopposed. That on the left wheeling round charged the rear of the local force while that on the right simultaneously charged the unprotected left of the guns. Mr. Hume, who was in command of the guns, rapidly wheeled one to the left and one to the rear and divided the infantry between the guns so as to form three sides of a hollow square. The enemy came down on all three sides, but the fire was reserved till they reached within one hundred yards of the guns. Then a volley was fired, but owing to the dense dust and confusion little execution was done, and, though repulsed on the front and in the rear, the enemy pushed in on the left and for a moment obtained possession of the magazine camels. The infantry, however, beat them back, recovered to baggage and soon cleared all three sides. In the mean time the party of the enemy who had attacked the rear. some 400 strong shifted their position round to the right of the local levies and managed to cut off some baggage camels. Lieutenant Forbes, seeing this, detached a company of infantry and gallantly dashed after them, recovering the animals after a chase of six or eight hundred yards. As he started after them the enemy's cavalry reformed and charged down on the front and left of the square, only to be brought up at a range of about 50 yards by musketry and the guns in the former and by a charge of the police troops in the latter direction. Twice more the enemy charged down at full gallop on the front, left and rear of the square, once, on the left, getting up almost to the muzzles of the guns: each time they were repulsed and beaten back in confusion. Lastly, forming into one mass, they bore down in a body 800 strong at right angles to the front of the local levies and a little to the right, with the intention of wheeling in and charging the right; but Sergeant Edmonds, running out a 12-pounder carronade outside the front face of the square, wheeled it round to the right and gave them one steady, coollyaimed round of grape shot at 200 yards. The effect of this was miraculous; the enemy turned and fled in confusion, and the battle was over after a severe struggle that had lasted three and a half hours. Mr. Doyle's body was then recovered, the troops formed line and, intelligence having been received that a body of 2,000 infantry were advancing to the attack, the whole force retreated to Harchandpur, where it would be letter able to defend itself. As it was on its way there a considerable body of the enemy appeared in the rear, charging down at a hand gallop. It was met with a steady volley from the infantry and guns at a range of 150 yards and entirely broken. Many were killed and wounded and the rest turned and fled, never to reappear again. The local levies lost heavily in the battle; besides Mr. Doyle twenty-one men were killed and nineteen were wounded; but fifty-eight of the enemy were killed and a large number were wounded, whom they managed to carry away. The next morning the fugitives were pursued to Phaphund, which was found abandoned; and on the 10th December the local force went onto Ajitmal, where it learned that the enemy's stragglers had been cut up by Brigadier Herbert while crossing the Jamuna. Lakhna was reached on the morning of the 11th December and Sahson the same evening; but such good use had been made of the opportunity of escape that by the time the force arrived at the latter place the enemy were twenty miles further on the Gwalior territory. Firoz Shah fled to the jungles of Central India and Malwa, where he joined Tantia Topi and this force was subsequently annihilated by General Napie. The Etawah district was never again troubled by a large body of mutineers and, in a short time, it was found possible to hold it without any show of military force.

Gandhiji's Etawah - Freedom Moment
In 1885 when Dasahra and Muharram coincided, communal distrubance broke out between the Hindus and the Muslims. In 1885, the Indian National Congress was established in Bombay by A.O. Hume. In Etawah it had, however, not assumed the shape of a political organization. But some of the prominent moderate leaders of the district such as Zorawar Singh Nigam, Baleshwar Prasad and Surya Narain held public meetings under a pandal and passed resolutions which merely contained certain complaints for submission to government and some were in the form of prayer.
In 1907 rumours were afloat in Etawah that Zorawar Singh Nigam had organised a conspiracy to throw out the British. A special team of police officers headed by the inspector general of police and two deputy inspectors general hastened to Etawah. But on enquiry it was found baseless and a person named Khalil who was responsible for the rumour was arrested and sentenced. In 1914-15 the district came into prominence as a center of revolutionary activity when Gendalal Dixit, a teacher at Auraiya, formed the Shivaji Samiti with the object of liberating the country. At his persuasion, Brahmachari, a dacoit leader also joined the revolutionary movement and with his help, he organised the other dacoits operating in the Chambal and the Yamuna ravines. They decided to plunder the house of a money lender, but a spy informed the police. The spy mixed poison in the food being prepared for the party and Brahmachari ate it. He at once understood that there was foul play and promptly shot the spy who tried to escape under the pretext of getting water. The police alerted by the shots closed in on them and a gun battle followed. Thirty-five men of the Brahmachari group were killed. Brahmachari, Gendalal Dixit and a few others were arrested and locked up in the Gwalior fort. Gendalal Dixit had also organised a group of young men called "Matri-Vedi". They unsuccessfully attempted top free Gendalal Dixit from the Gwalior fort and were arrested. Their trial took place at Mainpuri and which became known as the Mainpuri Conspiracy case. The first session of the Congress attended by Mahatma Gandhi who had recently returned from South Africa was held at Lucknow in 1916. The national movement had so far been confined to the urban intelligentsia but his appearance on the Indian political scene gave a new direction and meaning to the freedom struggle which was now carried to the masses. In Etawah a large number of persons enrolled themselves as volunteers.
In 1920, the Congress declared that its objective was "the attainment of Swarajya by the people of India by all legitimate and peaceful means." Towards this end, Mahatma Gandhi launched his famous Non-co-operation Movement all over the country in August of that year. In Etawah the response of the people to this movement was enthusiastic and wide-spread. In 1920-21 the district Congress Committee was formed with Maulana Rahmat Ullah as its president. He was soon arrested by the authorities. Mahatma Gandhi suspended the Non-co-operation Movement in 1922, after Chauri Chaura incident which involved loss of a few lives. But the movement roused the consciousness of the people against alien rule and gave them a new confidence and courage to fight it. The Congress contested and won a seat allotted to the district in the council election. In 1925, Jyoti Shankar Dixit of village Lalpura and Mukandi Lal of Etawah city were arrested in connection with the Kakori Conspiracy case but were later released. The later had also taken part in the Mainpuri Conspiracy case and had remained in jail upto 1939. In 1928, when the Simon Commission visited India it was subjected to boycott all over the country and in this connection Jawaharlal Nehru visited Etawah. In Etawah black flag demonstrations and protest meetings and hartals against the Commission were organised all over the district. On November 23, 1929 Gandhiji visited the district and addressed a large public meeting at Auraiya.

In 1930, the Civil Disobedience movement was started in Etawah, as in other parts of the country. The first phase of the movement was violation of the Salt Act. Numerous arrests were made. The police made lathi charge on the students of the Government Intermediate College, Etawah, who hoisted the Congress flag on the college building, and when thousands of persons assembled to protest against this act of oppression the police arrested about 1,500 persons. Inspite of this the people of the district kept up their non-violent struggle. British goods were boycotted and foreign cloth burnt publicly. In this connection about 1,000 arrest were made. A large number of peasants also joined the Congress. All the political prisoners were released as a result of the Gandhi-Irwin Pact in 1931. On May 10, 1931, a large gathering was organised at village Nagla Dhakau (in tahsil Bharthana) to march in a procession to welcome the released leaders. On hearing this the police rushed to the venue and opened fire on the processionists killing three persons. The district participated in the elections for the Legislative Assembly in 1936 and the two seats allotted to the district were won by the Congress.
The Quit India Movement of 1942 received wide support from people in the district. Hartals were observed, protest meetings were held and processions taken out. There was also wholesale defiance of the prohibitory orders under section 144 Cr. P.C. and the Congress flag was hoisted on all Congress offices and on numerous private buildings. There were mass arrests, imposition of collective fines, and lathi charges. On August 12, 1942 the police opened fire at Auraiya killing at least six persons. This movement clearly showed that there was universal discontent against British rule and was an indication that the British could not hold on to India for any length of time. By 1945, when the Second World War ended, British public opinion had veered round to granting complete independence to India. The British Parliament by passing the Indian Independence Act, 1947 decided to quit India for good. On August 15, 1947, the country was liberated from alien rule and declared independent. The district of Etawah has had its due share in the fight and rejoicings of freedom. Etawah celebrated the event with befitting glee and rejoicing in every home. National flag was hoisted on the collectorate building. It flew on almost all the private and government buildings.
Post Independence Etawah -
The nation always venerated those who had participated in the struggle. Till January, 1974, 548 persons of the district who had taken part in India's freedom struggle or their dependants were awarded Tamra Patras, i.e. copper plates containing a record of the services rendered by them or their forebears. This is a number which any district can boast of without exaggerating its role.
Since then the District Administration is normal and the socio-economic environment remained as usual except minor ups and downs.